Thirty four-year-old Niranjan Shukla (name changed) resides in the Brijpuri area of Mustafabad. Being a studious and nerdy student of his subject, Shukla never took an interest in the deep Hindu-Muslim trust deficit in Indian society.
He never had any reason to do so. In school, whenever he was bullied, his Muslim friends would come to help him. Whether it was a verbal scuffle with the administration or being cornered by kids of the same age, two of Shukla’s Muslim classmates always provided him with strength in numbers.
One of them was a backbencher, while the other was very studious and fit the definition of a good bloke. The backbencher always claimed that he was part of Dawood Ibrahim’s gang, but Shukla never took him seriously. It was the same disdain with which he treated Facebook posts urging Hindus to buy arms instead of iPhones.
In the first week of February 2020, Shukla was returning from Delhi University on a bus. A few students were discussing how Hindus were planning to force Muslims out of India through the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). They were planning to gather a crowd at the university to protest. Incidentally, the person they called was the “good guy” in Shukla’s group.
Just to confirm, he asked them about the person, and they nodded. Later, when he met his friend, Shukla asked, “Tu bhi Hindu-Muslim mein pad gaya kya?” (Have you also left your plans to prosper and become part of this communal rhetoric?). His friend replied ‘no’, which Shukla fully believed and has not been proven wrong to this day.
However, his other classmate was actually nabbed by the Delhi Police in a contract killing case, and it turned out he was not boasting about his connections with Dawood Ibrahim.
That began an intellectual journey for Shukla, which helped him save his family’s life during the infamous riots of Delhi in February 2020. Within weeks, he memorised details of communal violence in India and developed predictive abilities, sensing that something big would happen on the day then-US President Donald Trump would be in India.
For Shukla and thousands of other survivors of the Delhi Riots 2020, the news of Tahir Hussain coming out of jail was nothing less than a torturous revisit to the harrowing 72–90 hours they spent under the constant anxiety of hoping to survive until the next batch of law enforcement officers arrived to protect them.
On 28 January 2025, the Supreme Court granted custody parole to Tahir Hussain for campaigning in the Delhi assembly elections. He is contesting from the Mustafabad constituency on an All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) ticket. Hussain joined AIMIM in December, a move seen as a politically timed decision.
Between 29 January and 3 February, Hussain came out of jail for 12 hours, campaigned, and then returned to jail. The precedent for an accused getting relief for election campaigning was set during the Lok Sabha elections when Arvind Kejriwal, Hussain’s former boss, was released for campaigning.
Unlike Kejriwal, Hussain was not given a free hand, and he even complained about not having enough time to campaign due to travel.
Hussain’s entry is expected to make Mustafabad a triangular contest. The grand welcome he received upon his return also indicates how much he is liked by the people of the area, the majority of whom are Muslims.
Preparations for election are on
While much is not known about Hussain’s personal life, for a major part of his political career, he was a member of Kejriwal’s Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which rose to prominence on an anti-corruption agenda.
Hussain is one of the high-profile individuals connected with AAP from the beginning. In 2017, he was elected as a municipal councillor from the Nehru Vihar ward, representing AAP. During his tenure as a councillor, Hussain was known for his active involvement in local issues, particularly those affecting the Muslim community.
However, it was the protests related to the CAA that made him a national and international ‘star’ for a particular section. His role in the protests, planning, and riots in the immediate aftermath of the CAA, which left dozens people dead and hundreds injured, made him a central figure.
The Delhi riots — one of the most gruesome in recent history — occurred between 23 and 26 February 2020 in Northeast Delhi.
The violence, believed to have originated due to the Shaheen Bagh model protest being emulated in the Jaffrabad area, spread to Maujpur, Bhajanpura, Chand Bagh, Gokalpuri, Karawal Nagar, Shiv Vihar, Mustafabad, Brijpuri, Khajuri Khas, Dayalpur, Ashok Nagar, and Yamuna Vihar.
The riots began as clashes between pro- and anti-CAA protesters but quickly spiralled into one of the worst instances of communal violence in Delhi in decades. Hussain, whose multi-storey house is in the Chand Bagh area, is the central figure in this riot, as he turned his house into a virtual war room from which hundreds of individuals gathered arson materials to create chaos.
Hussain stockpiled weapons like petrol bombs, acid, and stones. In a reported confession, Hussain reasoned that since his house was multi-storey and already under construction, collecting these weapons was easy and suspicion-free. From there, rioters targeted Hindu homes, shops, and temples, chanting slogans like “Allahu Akbar” and “Maaro Kaafiro Ko Maaro” (Kill the infidels).
Few of the impacted buildings
One of the nuclei of protests is now witness to infrastructure push
The mob reportedly targeted Hindus, their homes, and businesses, leading to widespread destruction and loss of life. Hussain had asked his supporters to remain ready for extremes.
Possibly the most gruesome incident linked to Hussain is the murder of Intelligence Bureau (IB) staffer Ankit Sharma. Sharma, who went there to calm people from both communities, was brutally stabbed over 400 times, and his body was dumped in a drain near Hussain’s building. His body was recovered from the drain and bore 51 sharp and blunt injuries.
In its observation, the court said, “Tahir Hussain also played the role of instigator to kill Hindus, exhorting this mob not to spare Hindus. He instigated the mob when Ankit came forward towards this mob.”
The Delhi Police filed multiple charge sheets against Hussain. According to the charge sheets, Hussain had conspired with other accused, including former JNU student Umar Khalid and Khalid Saifi, to incite violence during U.S. President Donald Trump’s visit to India in February 2020.
The charge sheets alleged that Hussain had met Khalid and Saifi at the office of the Popular Front of India (PFI), an Islamist organisation, in Shaheen Bagh on 8 January 2020 to plan the riots.
The police said that Hussain’s motive was to “teach Hindus a lesson” in response to the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir, the Supreme Court’s verdict on the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, and the passage of the CAA.
A part of a Zee News report on Tahir’s reported confession read, “Tahir reportedly told the police that he was aggrieved after the abrogation of Article 370 from Jammu and Kashmir, the Supreme Court ruling in favour of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, and the Centre passing the Citizenship Amendment Act; hence, he decided to take an extreme step.”
They discussed plans for a “big blast” intended to shake the Central government over the CAA/NRC issue and damage India’s international reputation.
Police state that Tahir Hussain retrieved his licensed pistol along with 100 rounds from the Khajuri Khas police station on 22 February — days before the riots broke out. During the investigation, Hussain was unable to provide a satisfactory explanation for the timing of the weapon’s release.
The charge sheet notes that when police recovered the weapon, only 64 live cartridges and 22 empty cartridges were found, leaving 14 live cartridges and 22 fired rounds unaccounted for. Hussain was unable to clarify when and where these missing rounds were used.
On the intervening night of 24 and 25 February, Hussain reportedly moved his family to his parental home in Mustafabad, citing safety concerns. However, he himself remained at his building, allegedly to oversee the riots.
According to the police, Hussain in his statement said, “On 24 February, according to our plan, I had called several people and told them how to throw stones, petrol bombs, and acid bottles from my roof. I had shifted my family to another place. On 24 February 2020, at about 1:30 PM, we started throwing stones.”
The charge sheet highlights that despite widespread violence in the area, Hussain’s house remained untouched, suggesting his direct involvement.
Police records show that Hussain made six Police Control Room (PCR) calls on 24 February between 2:50 PM and 6:00 PM, followed by another six calls on 25 February between 3:50 PM and 4:35 PM.
These calls are supposed to be a deliberate attempt to create an alibi and shield himself from legal consequences. Moreover, when police checked the CCTV footage from Hussain’s building, they found no recordings beyond January, reinforcing suspicions that the cameras had been disabled as part of a premeditated plan to cover up his role in the riots.
While the ball regarding the final decision is in the judiciary’s court, for people — especially Hindus residing in the radius of 3-5 km — Hussain’s actions have brought unforgettable and unforgivable atrocities. People continue to live in hordes, selling properties in order to shift from mixed areas to homogeneously segregated ones.
One of those areas is Brahampuri. Gali No. 1 of Brahampuri is one of the spots where Hindus were killed. A man named Vinod Kumar and his son Nitin were brutally beaten — due to a Jai Shri Ram sticker on their bike — leading to Vinod’s death.
One of Vinod’s friends told Swarajya that the situation is normal in the area now and coordination between both communities is ongoing, but with a bit of alertness. For instance, when people from one community make jokes about others, they look nearby to check if anyone from that community is present or not.
In Street No. 5 of U Block lives the family of Shahrukh Pathan, the man who is probably the second most infamous accused individual of the Delhi riots. His video and image of open firing at a Delhi Police constable sent shivers down the spines of those who watched it.
Entry of Gali No 5
Yogesh Sharma has known him since childhood. He explains that before the Delhi riots, the street had 80-90 per cent Hindu homes while Muslims comprised barely 10-20 per cent. Within five years, the situation is reversed now.
That holds true for most of the area, where a mixed population was the norm before 2020. The same applies to nearby streets too.
It is not that Hindus want to sell to Muslims, but apparently, when they put their properties up for sale, Muslim buyers tend to offer at least 10 per cent more than the asking rate. Convenience and profit both come together to impact demographic change.
A property consultant who operates in Northeast Delhi said that thousands of Hindus have left, and more are asking him to sell their existing properties for a ‘better area.’
Niranjan Shukla lives in Brijpuri, located less than two kilometres from the place where Ankit Sharma was killed. Brijpuri used to be a heterogeneous mixture of Hindus and Muslims at the time of the riots. Shukla estimates this ratio to be 50:50. However, it is the locality in nearby areas that makes it tough for Hindus to feel secure.
The area is very close to Mustafabad, and a canal separates Brijpuri — a mixed area — from the Muslim-dominated one.
Brijpuri location
The canal and wall
On the eventful day, Shukla, who had just got interested in politics, sat down in his home to watch the live telecast of the Ahmedabad meetup between US President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
In the days leading up to this meeting, Shukla had witnessed some unusual developments. For instance, pamphlets related to Karbala and Qurbani (sacrifices) were being distributed in the area. Empty glass bottles of cold drinks were also being brought in bulk.
Shops were divided into two categories — one with “SAY NO TO CAA NRC” written on it and others which operated as usual.
While Shukla and his family were busy watching TV, his call and WhatsApp communications told him to go on the roof. At around 4 PM, he went upstairs, only to see the cloudy sky filled with smoke from burning tyres, vehicles, and other objects.
This was the moment when all of his observations and studies suddenly made sense to Shukla.
Being in a relatively safe position, he spent around five to seven minutes on the roof. The observations were startling. From the other side of the neighbourhood, the situation was akin to an exchange of fire on international borders.
To cover themselves, attackers had created makeshift barricades of benches, chairs, and mattresses. Then came the assault — bullets fired into the air, petrol bombs hurled from slingshots, and machetes wielded with the intent to kill. Explosions of small bombs sent constant terror waves through the air.
First sight for Shukla
Petrol Bombs stored that day
A defunct petrol bomb
“Allahu Akbar” rang out in the distance, while panic spread among families who had nowhere to run.
In those hours of terror, there were no friends across religious lines. His street also had a few Muslim families, but they chose to remain indoors. Shukla explains with pain that no Muslim friends called to ask if they were safe or offered a way out. For them, the silence was as telling as the violence.
Hindus in the street did reach out to the police, but even the forces were over-occupied. By 7 PM, it became clear that the Hindus of Brijpuri were left on their own — at least for the night.
WhatsApp groups became lifelines of communication. Young boys from each family took up whatever weapons they could find — sticks, knives, even kitchen utensils — and stationed themselves at the gates of their streets. One person suggested using a vacuum cleaner to blow chilli powder at the attackers.
They worked in shifts, with brief breaks for tea and snacks, but sleep was out of the question. The entire neighbourhood was on high alert, except for the Muslim neighbours, who did not come out.
Shukla says that although they are good people, the situation was so bad that sharing survival strategies with them would mean risking the leakage of important information, “so it was good that they did not come out” he added.
While they were trying to protect themselves, night bulletins on news channels started to paint Hindus as aggressors and Muslims as victims — something contrary to what they were witnessing. The anger was palpable, and many youngsters sent videos of the violence from the other side to the inboxes of news channels and hosts — only to fall on deaf ears.
Later, established platforms also did castigating stories on WhatsApp groups created by locals for protection.
Meanwhile, at the gates, it was only about the battle for survival. One thing Brijpuri residents learnt from practical experience that day was that defence and running away were not the options.
For instance, if half a dozen rioters came near the colony and even three Hindu youths were seen patrolling, they would not enter the area.
In one instance, an elderly uncle took out an empty gun, pointing it towards the rioters. The trick worked. As dawn took over, every house became a fortress and every family a resistance unit.
One peculiar aspect of the rioters that Shukla cannot forget is their use of cameras. He witnessed that at many places, when rioters were running in groups, a cameraperson accompanied them to take pictures and videos.
He now understands that those persons selectively aired counter-offensive videos from Hindus, which later were pushed by certain section of media as proof of violence committed by Hindus. Effectively, even self-defence is not an escape for Hindus in narrative wars.
Finally, the forces arrived, and the people of Brijpuri took a deep breath. When Shukla saw clippings on news channels and then matched them with his observations, he found that the shops which had written “SAY NO TO CAA NRC” remained unscathed.
The mental alertness continued for the next few months, but the overall impact and trust deficit are everlasting.
One positive consequence is that Hindus have become more vocal and assertive about their identities. They come together in large numbers during festivals. Music, prayers, devotional songs, and other choruses are played at full volume, and WhatsApp groups are now more closely knit.
Flying the Bhagwa flag, taking out unity processions through the whole area, and holding regular meetings in temples are more common sights than ever.
A Dalit family that did not believe (possibly due to the Bheem-Meem unity slogan) that it could be under attack from rioters also faced the brunt. It is now a regular participant in these events.
For most Hindus, those 72-90 hours were unforeseen. Shukla still gets Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder attacks. There have been nights when he suddenly woke up, dreaming that his younger brother was cornered.
The incident was repeated on the day when the news of Tahir Hussain being released for election canvassing surfaced.
Hussain’s involvement in the riots led to his expulsion from AAP in March 2020. Party supremo Arvind Kejriwal distanced himself from Hussain, stating that anyone found guilty should be given “double the punishment.”
Almost five years after the riots, Hussain found a new political home in AIMIM, a party known for its focus on Muslim issues. Hussain’s candidacy was met with overwhelming support from the Muslim community in Mustafabad, where he is seen as a local hero.
During his campaign, Hussain portrayed himself as a victim of political vendetta and a champion of Muslim rights. His speeches remain focused on the narrative that Muslims are being victimised under the current government. Borrowing from Asaduddin Owaisi’s playbook, Hussain is presenting himself as a symbol of resistance.
As for Brijpuri, the area is witnessing a rapid demographic shift. While Brijpuri had a 50:50 ratio of Hindu and Muslim homes, the number is now down to 30:70. While the threat is obvious, it amplifies for homes with women members.
“We are brothers. We can handle it. The real danger is when there are sisters in the house,” concluded my day with Shukla, his friends, and their recounting of ordeals.
